Scotland, Wales R&D pledges update

Research funding is not the flashiest election issue in Scotland or Wales. But it is sitting underneath a lot of the real arguments — universities, local jobs, innovation, health, energy, and who gets to shape economic growth. The new wrinkle is that campaign groups and policy bodies are now trying to force R&D out of the background and into the final stretch before the 7 May 2026 Holyrood and Senedd elections. The case they are making is simple: voters are more open to this than parties seem to think. (acss.org.uk) ### What actually changed? The immediate update came from the Academy of Social Sciences in its May 2026 policy note. It pulled together party pledges in Scotland and Wales and paired them with fresh polling on public attitudes to research. On the Welsh side, Plaid Cymru’s higher education and research spokesman, Cefin Campbell MS, said the party would devolve UKRI funding to(acss.org.uk)y review of Welsh universities within its first 100 days. In Scotland, the SNP restated its free-tuition position and promised cost-of-living increases to the nursing student bursary. (acss.org.uk) ### Why is Wales getting more attention here? Because Wales has the more explicit R&D pitch — even if it is still pretty loose. CaSE’s manifesto review says Plaid Cymru is the only party in either nation that actually promises to set an R&D target as part of its economic vision. But the catch is that the manifesto does not spell out the number or the timetable. So Wales has t(acss.org.uk)ent that researchers usually want. (sciencecampaign.org.uk) ### What are voters saying? Turns out the public is not hostile to this at all. CaSE’s polling of more than 2,700 adults in Scotland and 1,600 in Wales found that around three-quarters think it is important for their devolved government to invest in R&D — 77% in Scotland and 72% (sciencecampaign.org.uk)s not some niche sector-only message. (sciencecampaign.org.uk) ### So why does R&D still feel invisible? Because support is broad but shallow. The same polling found that 48% of people in Scotland and 43% in Wales do not feel a personal connection to R&D. The Academy’s May note goes even further on visibility — 87% in Scotland and 91% in W(sciencecampaign.org.uk)ere it touches their own lives. (sciencecampaign.org.uk) ### What is missing from the manifestos? Specificity. CaSE’s review says very few manifestos even use the term “R&D” directly, and no party in either nation sets a quantified investment target for the next parliamentary term. Most positive references show up indirectly — throug(sciencecampaign.org.uk)t once the election is over. (sciencecampaign.org.uk) ### Why does the devolved angle matter? Because these elections are happening in a year when devolution itself is unusually live. The Academy’s devolution hub notes that Scotland’s result looks less predictable than at any point since 2007, while Wales is voting under new constit(sciencecampaign.org.uk) relevance — have a better shot at shaping the next parliament’s priorities. (acss.org.uk) ### Is this really about science, or about universities? Both — and that is the point. In practice, R&D politics in Scotland and Wales is a bundle of university finance, regional growth, skills, and public services. Plaid’s call for a university funding review shows how quickly the debate moves from “research” to the whole higher-education model. The SNP’s(acss.org.uk)udent funding can sit right next to research policy in party positioning. (acss.org.uk) ### Bottom line? The story is not that Scottish and Welsh parties suddenly produced big, detailed R&D blueprints. They mostly did not. The story is that public support looks stronger than the manifestos do — and groups like CaSE and the Academy of Social Sciences are trying to turn that mismatch into pressure on the next Senedd and Holyrood. If that works, the post-election f(acss.org.uk)ho is willing to put numbers on it. (acss.org.uk)